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Dynamic Two-place Indirect Verbs in French: A Synchronic and Diachronic Study in Variation and Change of Valence by Michelle Ann Troberg A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of French University of Toronto © Copyright by Michelle Troberg 2008 Dynamic Two-place Indirect Verbs in French: A Synchronic and Diachronic Study in Variation and Change of Valence Michelle Ann Troberg Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of French University of Toronto 2008 Abstract This dissertation provides an account of an often-noted change in the history of French: the shift in the expression of the internal argument of a small class of dynamic two-place verbs best represented by aider ‘to help’ from “dative”, i.e., as an indirect object with the preposition à, to “accusative”, i.e., as a direct object with no preposition. The change does not appear to be correlated with a change in the meaning of the verbs. Traditional commentators have viewed it as random, affecting only a few lexical items, rather than systematic. One of the central results of this thesis is that the valency change affects a class of some twenty verbs at approximately the same period and that it follows the same time course. Moreover, three properties distinguish this class of verbs from all others taking indirect objects in French: following current ideas about the syntactic manifestation of verbs and their arguments, they have a non relational argument structure, they do not possess lexical directionality, and they select for first or third order entities. These facts suggest that a structural change underlies the change in the realization of the internal argument. Adopting Lightfoot’s (1999, 2006) “cue-based” approach to language change, it is proposed that the valency change is a result of the loss of a functional item encoding directionality. Directionality is a derived property in Medieval French, available in particular to prepositions. It is demonstrated that when à was able to encode direction, first and third order ii indirect objects were licensed in a broader range of contexts, namely, with aider-type verbs. The loss of this functional item is also correlated with several other structural changes that occurred th th in the 16 and 17 century. iii Acknowledgments The research for this thesis was funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, the Ontario Graduate Scholarship Program, the Scace Graduate Fellowship, the Trentwith and Galipeau French Linguistic Fellowship, and the Department of French at the University of Toronto. This study profited from the opportunity to participate at two international conferences both supported by the Department of French at the University of Toronto: Diachro III: Évolutions en français in Paris and the NORMS Workshop on Argument Structure in Lund. A number of research assistantships with Yves Roberge enabled me to pursue our collaborative work on indirect objects, the results of which are central to the present study. My deepest gratitude is to my director, Yves Roberge, who provided me with the ideal intellectual climate in which to engage in my research and who allowed me the freedom to work at my own rhythm. I am extremely fortunate to be among the many influenced by Yves’ ideas, by his approach to educating, by his generosity and by his joie de vivre. Yves is also responsible, perhaps unwittingly, for my choice in undertaking a thesis in diachronic linguistics; my single greatest inspiration was Marianne Adams’ 1986 doctoral thesis, a copy of which he lent to me in my master’s year. It is with much warmth that I thank Brian Merrilees. To him, I owe my interest in Medieval French and my continued contact with it via the precious Aalma manuscripts. I also thank him for once very wisely reminding me that, even in cases of regular change, “chaque mot a son histoire”. I am grateful to both he and his wife, Pat Merrilees, for they have offered me support on every possible level. I extend my deep appreciation to France Martineau of the University of Ottawa, who agreed to sit on my thesis committee, whose work in diachronic linguistics has been a model to me, and whose insightful questions and wise advice have very much influenced the shape of this thesis. I am grateful to my external examiner, Ian Roberts of the University of Cambridge. His thorough assessment has improved my work and his comments and suggestions have taken me beyond this study and have me eager to develop related topics and take on new ones. iv
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