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Causative Derivations in Hindi Rajesh Bhatt and David Embick University of Texas at Austin and University of Pennsylvania Draft of Fall, 2003; Please do not cite/distribute without consulting authors Contents 1 Introduction 2 1.1 BasicPatterns..................................... 2 1.2 Assumptions ..................................... 2 1.2.1 ArchitecturalAssumptions.......................... 3 1.2.2 SemanticAssumptions............................ 5 1.3 Outline ........................................ 8 2 HindiVerbal Structures and Root Types 8 3 Transitivity Alternations and Directionality 14 3.1 TransitivityAlternationsinHindi........................... 17 3.2 TheStructuresintheAlternations .......................... 21 3.3 Differences between the AA- and NULL-classes? .................. 24 3.4 Basicness and Directionality ............................. 26 4 Further Causative Derivations: Unergatives and the ‘Ingestive’ Verbs 31 4.1 Unergatives...................................... 31 4.2 Ingesto-Reflexives................................... 37 5 TheIndirectCausative 42 6 Allomorphy of Causative Heads 47 6.1 Realization of v HeadsinHindi ........................... 47 6.2 Optionality in Causatives between -aa and -v-aa ................... 51 6.3 Realization of v inKashmiri ............................. 52 7 Appendix: Verbs in the Transitivity Alternations 55 1 1 Introduction 1.1 Basic Patterns The first set of causative derivations that we will examine are of the type often referred to as causative/inchoative alternations, or, more generally, a type that shows a transitivity alternation. Aninitial class of verbs showing a transitivity alternations is illustrated in (1). In this class of verbs, there is no overt causative affix in the transitive form (b). The phonological form of the intransitive is derived from the phonological form of the transitive via a process which we will refer to as vowel simplification: (1) a. Jaayzaad b˜at rahii hai. . property divide PROG-FEMbe-PRES ‘The property is dividing.’ b. Ram-ne jaayzad b˜a˜at dii. . Ram-ERGproperty divide GIVE-PERF ‘Ramdivided the property.’ Because this class involves no overt affixes in either member of the alternation, we will refer to it as the NULL-class. Asecond class involves an overt affix, -aa, which appears in the transitive member of pairs in which the intransitive shows no overt affix. The transitive form in such pairs also undergoes the process of vowel simplification mentioned in reference to the NULL-class above; these facts are illustrated in (2): (2) a. Makaan jal raha hai. house.M burn PROG.Mbe.Prs ‘The house is burning.’ b. Dakaito-ne˜ makaan jalaa diyaa. . bandits-ERG house.M burn GIVE-PERF.M ‘Bandits burned the house.’ Verbs alternating in this way belong to what we will call the AA-class. In addition to appearing in the transitive forms of verbs in the AA-class, the causative exponent -aa appears in some fur- ther contexts, including (1) transitives of what appear to be unergatives, and (2) ditransitives of a particular class of transitives. These latter two cases are examined in detail in x3. In addition to the NULL-and AA-classes derivation, which involve what is often called ‘lexical’ causativization, there are causatives with the affix -vaa, which have an indirect causative interpre- tation. The -vaa causative is illustrated in (3): (3) zamiindaar-ne (dakaito-se)˜ makaan jal-vaa diyaa. . landlord-Erg bandits-Instr house.M burn-CAUS GIVE-PERF.M ‘The landlord had the house burned (by the dacoits).’ Hereorbelow,terminological note concerning ‘transitive’, ‘causative’, and so on..... 1.2 Assumptions The discussion of causative derivations below is framed against a set of background assumptions that we now present. 2 1.2.1 Architectural Assumptions Our analysis of these verbal alternations in Hindi will be framed against a set of background as- sumptions fromtheframeworkofDistributed Morphology (HalleandMarantz1993andsubsequent work). Although specific assumptions from this framework asthe discussion of the Hindi facts takes place below, we clarify now some of the basic architectural premises of this framework. Aprimary architectural premise of Distributed Morphology is that word formation is syntactic; this assumption is one that this approach shares with other syntactic treatments of morphology, such as Baker (1988) and Pesetsky (1995). In the default case, morphological structure is simply syntactic structure– that is, nodes arranged in a hiearchical structure. Further operations relevant for wordformationoccurafterspellout, i.e. atPF.WeusethetermMorphology torefertoasequence of operations that occur on the PF branch. In this way, morphology is a set of operations that interpret the output of the syntactic derivation. The architecture of this approach is presented in (4): (4) TheGrammar Syntactic Derivation (Spell Out) Morphology PF LF Theapproach assumes further that there is no Lexicon, that is, no non-syntactic system for building complex objects out of primitives. Rather, all derivation of complex objects occurs in the syntactic derivation.1 Thereare twotypes of terminal nodes in the syntactic derivation. One type, the Roots, are mem- bers of the open-class or ‘lexical’ vocabulary of the language. These are represented as e.g. pDOG. Theother, non-Root, terminals are functional heads. In the syntactic derivation, the functional heads are abstract morphemes; that is, they consist of abstract features like [past] for past tense, or [pl] for Plural. After the syntactic derivation, phonological content is added to these abstract functional heads in a process that is called vocabulary insertion. Vocabulary insertion is a process that adds phonological exponents– including -Ø– to abstract morphemes. Abstract features and phonological exponents are paired in vocabulary items. For example, English contains the vocabulary item in (5), which adds the phonological exponent /-z/ to the node #[pl]], i.e. to the # ‘Number’ head with the feature [pl] for ‘Plural’: (5) #[pl] $ /-z/ Vocabulary items like (5) are rules, whose function is to add phonological exponents to abstract morphemes. Moving on to issues that are important for our study of causative derivations, the grammatical architecture that we have outlined above motivates a particular approach to verbal alternations of the type we discuss in this paper. There is no Lexicon in which the derivation of e.g. a transitive verb from an underlyingly intransitive verb– or the derivation of an intransitive from a transitive– 1There is also a role for some operations in the PF component that create complex objects; as these are not relevant to the present discussion, we will not examine them here. 3 can take place. This point has two important consequences for studies like that to be undertaken here. The first point is that what there is to say about verbal alternations is syntactic– that is, on the features and structures that appear in a particular verbal alternant. In this way, the approach that we develop is related to the research program in argument structure associated with Hale and Keyser (1993) and subsequent work, in which argument structure is syntactic. The second point is that there is no possiblity of stating a ‘lexical’ vs. ‘syntactic’ dichotomy in trying to explain the properties of causative derivations. That is, it is not possible to treat transitivity alternations as occurring in the Lexicon, while (Indirect) causatives are treated in the syntax. In many accounts, the AA-andNULL-class of alternating verbs are simply not treated together with the -vaa causatives. The reason for this is that in Lexicalist approaches, the AA- and NULL-classes would be treated as lexically derived alternations involving merely (de-)transitivization, while the -vaa causative is taken to be syntactic. In a theory that has no Lexicon, this sort of distinction clearly cannot be maintained.2 We demonstrate below that the exclusively syntactic approach to causativization is superior to a two-module or Lexicalist alternative. Whilethe architecture we assume has no Lexicon in the sense of Lexicalist approaches to gram- mar, there are nevertheless components of the grammar which list unpredictable information. For instance, the Vocabulary, which contains the vocabulary items, is one such list. The grammar of an individual language also contains a list of the Roots and the abstract morphemes that serve as syntactic terminals in that language. A further list, and one that is important for our concerns in this paper is a list which is called the Encyclopedia.3 The information listed in the Encyclopedia concerns the idiosyncratic or non-compositional meanings of objects, whether the objects in ques- tion are simplex (i.e. Roots), or syntactically complex (i.e. idioms). So, for instance, the fact that the Root pDOG in English has something to do with canines and not something else is a matter of Encyclopedic knowledge. Similarly, the fact that the syntactically created object kick the bucket has potentially a special meaning that is something similar to ‘die’ is listed in the Encyclopedia. Because this list refers to objects that have been composed in the course of the syntactic derivation, it is accessed at a post-syntactic stage, i.e. an interpretive stage subsuquent to the stages of the grammar represented in (4). Afurther aspect of Encyclopedic knowledge concerns whether or not a Root denotes an eventu- ality that is inherently associated with an Agent or not; for this point, see in particular Marantz (1997), which builds on Chomsky (1970). To take specific example which we discuss in detail in x2, we take it that one thing that speakers know about Roots like pCUT is that the eventuality denoted by this Root involves an Agent, whereas with e.g. pGROW this is not the case. This type of Encyclo- pedic knowledge about Roots is independent of the grammatical environments in which these Roots occur. Thus, for instance, pGROW may be interpreted agentively if it is merged syntactically with the agent-licensing syntactic head v[AG]: John grows apples. The crucial point is that there are two notions of agentivity here, Encyclopedic and grammatical, and these must be kept distinct from one another. By making this distinction between Encyclopedic and grammatical notions of Agentivity, our approach toverbal structures departs from a commonly held view of the relationship between syntax and argument structure. This alternative view is the view of Projectionism, which holds that the initial syntactic represenation of a verb is derivative of that verb’s lexical semantics. The syntactic projection of this verb is derivative of rules that effect a mapping between the lexical semantics and the syntax, referred to as (lexical) mapping rules. One of the principal goals of lexical mapping 2See Embick (1996) and Miyagawa (1998) for some related discussion in the domain of the relationship between transitivization and causativization. 3See, for instance, Marantz (1997). 4
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